The book seeks to understand resistance as a meeting point among various political streams that operate in Lebanon and the development of resistance from military action into a project which is beyond culture in the narrow sense, into a hegemony that encompasses all sides of life. The book links the historical development of the Lebanese political system together with the many years of radical Shi'ite political thought in the entire Middle East region, with an emphasis on the influence of leftist and revolutionary secular thought on Shi'ite radical thought in general and that of Hezbollah in particular. The book reviews the various "hegemonic mechanisms" through which Hezbollah rules its hegemony over Lebanon. A hegemony that is not (only) a result of coercion by force, but also (mostly) the result of dominating the discourse of resistance on the Lebanese and regional arena in general.

The political upheavals, the leadership crisis, and the ideological frustration which the Israeli Labour party went through in the first two decades of the 21st century led it to an unprecedented electoral decline. What happened to the formerly dominant party which established the state? What kind of intrinsic changes did it undergo in the late modernity and due to new sociological generations? What kind of new or old ideological discourses were formed within it? And how can we characterize its renewed ideological discourse? These questions stood at the background of this ethnographic study. The study focuses on young, idealistic activists who joined the Israeli Labour Party during 2006-2009 and asked to promote a social-democratic agenda. The book is based on multi-arena fieldwork and it enables a rare ethnographic reflection on the way macro level political changes take shape and are embodied in interpersonal interactions on the micro level.

The book deals with challenges to the identity and stability of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. The first part of the book deals with the challenges that arise from all cultural groups in Israeli society: Arabs, migrant workers, religious Zionists, ultra-Orthodox, traditionalists, Olim from the former Soviet Union, Jews of Ethiopian origin, secular Jews. The second section deals with the ideological challenges that arise from the radical left and the religious and secular nationalist right. The third section deals with the significant issues in which there is a conflict between the Jewish and democratic identity of the State of Israel: the minority status of Arab Israeli citizens; Israeli control of Judea and Samaria; religious and state relations in Israel and the possibility of presenting an outline to strengthen Israel's Jewish and democratic identity at the same time.

In this book, the complicated relationship between religion and nation, as well as the relationship between nationalism and the process of secularization are discussed from a multidisciplinary perspective. In the last decades these issues attracted considerable research and public interest throughout the world. The book consists of articles from renowned scholars dealing with the relations between religion, secularism and nationalism in general, in prominent historical patterns as expressed in German, English, American, Turkish, Polish and Russian nationalism, and in the Jewish-Israeli context . The book's articles shed light on the phenomena of nationalism and secularization, in light of contemporary research on these two fascinating fields .

Baruch Kimmerling (1939-2007) was one of Israel's outstanding critical sociologists. In this volume, Israeli and Palestinian scholars of several disciplines and generations offer a series of studies on Israel and Palestine, past and present, in dialogue with the research agenda Kimmerling has advanced. Essays discuss Zionism and militarism, frontier and colonization, social protest and the limits of democracy, the sociology of fear and the politics of home -- and Kimmerling's own trajectory.

Dr. Yosef Govrin joined Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1953 and during his 42 years of diplomatic service he served in many functions in Israel and abroad, inter alia: Ambassador to Romania, Deputy Director General of the Foreign Ministry, and Ambassador to Austria, Slovenia, Slovakia and to the UNO in Vienna. These Reflections are based on the author's activities in developing relations with these three states in substance and in quantity, his discussions with the heads of these states and their discussions with their Israeli counterparts, surveying their internal and external policies, describing the local Jewish communities and the activities to foster relations with them and to strengthen their national s tatus. These reflections have a documentary nature and constitute a unique and important source for research regarding the history of Israel's relations with Austria, Slovenia and Slovakia from the beginning of the 1990s, characterized by the end of the Cold War, following such historic events as the dismemberment of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe, the end of the presidency of Austria's Kurt Waldheim, when he was "persona non grata" in many parts of the world, including Israel, as well as the signing of the Oslo Agreements, known as the Declaration of Principles between Israel and the PLO.

Jewish thought and rhetoric may have dominated the Jewish people's way of life for years, but what happens when a Jewish state is established, whose laws and authorities are not necessarily based on that same Jewish tradition? Jewish-Israeli Political Thought is a collection of studies exploring the tension between Israeli and Jewish political philosophy, the relationship between the Jewish people's collective and personal past and present, individual identity and its place in the traditional Jewish collectiveness, and the intermediary role of the ancient Hebrew language in the dialogue between the past and the present. The chapters in this book were written by young scholars of different religious, and sometimes cultural and lingual backgrounds; however, they all live in modern-day Israel, and they all question the relation between traditional-Jewish and modern-Israeli political thought. The diversity of the writers enables a broad and unique perspective on the status of Jewish tradition in contemporary political thought in Israel. The book provides a window into various spatial and temporal horizons in the course of a Jewish tradition that is constantly being re-examined and re-discovered.

This book analyzes the roots of the ideological discourse among distinguished Arab intellectuals and liberals regarding political reforms and democratization processes in the Arab states during the three decades that preceded the 'Arab Spring.' It fills a void in the literature that examines the impact of the New Arab Liberals on the political status quo. The New Arab Liberals have drawn public criticism in demanding a change to the political status quo and the cultural and social molds. They have succeeded in presenting to the Arab public a rational alternative outlook, centered upon a civil, secular, and democratic state, as against an Arab nationalistic or Islamist state vision. Their demands for radical reform have led to aggressive and violent expression since December 2010 in the shake-up known as the 'Arab Spring' that shattered a large part of the Middle East. In order to understand the background, the range, and strength of the demands of the Arab public, it is necessary to investigate the ideological contribution of the Arab Liberals to the public discourse.

China and Israel: From Discord to Concord provides the Hebrew reader, for the first time, with eyewitness testimony and historical and economic analysis of the step-by-step evolution of Sino-Israeli ties, from the frozen relationship of the early 1950s to the extensive economic, diplomatic and cultural ties of the twenty-first century. Included in the anthology are the recollections of diplomats who were central to the creation of Sino-Israeli ties ( Isai Magid, Zev Suffott, Moshe Yegar, and Reuven Merhav) and the perspectives of prominent American, Chinese, Indian, and Israeli scholars. The footnotes attached to these chapters cite up-to-date bibliographical sources, in Hebrew and other languages, for further research on Sino-Israeli relations .

This study examines the concept of United Nations peacekeeping operations and their execution in Cambodia, Former Yugoslavia and Somalia from 1988 to 1995. The research is anchored primarily in United Nations documents, which were produced following the diplomatic discussions that took place in the organization on the subject of peacekeeping in general and in the cases of Cambodia, Former Yugoslavia and Somalia in particular This research demonstrates, using the records of diplomatic discourse at the United Nations, that although there was an attempt to change the concept of peacekeeping operations, it eventually failed. The best explanation for this outcome is that international politics at the United Nations – at least as it concerns peacekeeping operations – is still conducted according to the principles of each state’s realpolitik. The states formed their stance on a case by case basis, while calculating power relations in order to advance their own national interests. Therefore their position on each topic did not necessarily match the declared position of any particular political alliance. Furthermore, many multi-functional operations were still executed in accordance with the traditional concept. The main objective of these operations was international mediation between belligerent sides in order to form sovereign governments and to deploy a 'peacekeeping force' in accordance with the traditional principles of international and local consent, impartiality and the non-use of force. Traditional objectives were preferred over new objectives such as democratization, human rights, and economic development.

The book sheds light on one of the most interesting episodes in the history of Israel's foreign policy. Since the Sinai war (1956), France was a friend and ally to Israel. She provided State-of-the-art weapons to help maintain the balance of power against the Arab States, gave essential political support and economic assistance, and assisted in building a nuclear reactor in Dimona. Charles De Gaulle's return to power in France in 1958, during the war in Algeria, challenged the Israeli leadership. In light of the French President's determination to renew France's influence in the Arab world- would Israel succeed in preserving the Friendship with France? The book deals with the efforts of statesmen, politicians and Israeli officials to achieve this goal. Also De Gaulle's uncompromising policy to obtain the status of a powerful France and its impact on his views on the State of Israel are discussed. The book sheds light on a mystery that plagued many commentators and still remains largely unsolved: why De Gaulle decided to turn a cold shoulder towards Israel in May 1967, when it was facing one of the toughest challenges ever, and why the hesitant policies towards Israel increased after the victory in the six day war.

It is rarely noticed, Joan Robinson wrote half a century ago, that "the very nature of economics is rooted in nationalism." This book seeks to examine the relationship between economics and nationalism in the Israeli political economy in its formative years. The book focuses on two aspects of this relationship: the link between national interest and economic ideas and between the state and the markets Two questions are at the core of the book. The first, what was the role of economic ideas in shaping the national interests? A common argument holds that the realization of national interest contradicts behavior in accordance to economic rationales. The book rejects this view and it shows that as early as the 1930s the Zionist organizations shaped national interest on the basis of imported and translated economic ideas. The second question deals with the relationship between the state and the market: how state actors mediated between, on the one hand, the goal of constructing of a market economy in Israeli, and on the other hand the strategy of mobilizing market-actor to state-building project? The book rejects the common argument that state intervention prevented the consolidation of a market economy in Israeli. Rather, it argues that the state intervened, among other things, to create a market economy as a national project of the state. A significant contribution of the book is the analysis of the financial aspects of the Israeli developmental strategy, a topic that so far has not been studied thoroughly. The book traces that the effect of the establishment of the Bank of Israel on the structure of the banking system and the development strategy. It argues that the establishment of the Bank of Israel was a significant milestone in the economic history of Israel, as it provided an effective tool to control the allocation of credit.